Four years on: The Launch

Four years ago, I begun to question on issues of tribalism and negative ethnicity. I did not know much then but I felt compelled to write about it. Writing was my voice. I penned down a note on Thursday 23rd April 2008. This unknown to me would be the beginning of I AM NOT MY TRIBE INITIATIVE :

Oh,so you are Kilonzo...Mkamba...?an innocent question right?WRONG.
What does my tribe have to do with my potentials?Failures?These stereotypes grate me to the marrow...unaskia there has been a heist and the immediate question is..hao kama si wakikuyu...ama a bar brawl,watu wamepigana unaconclude hawa wajaluo wanapenda vita...piracy-wasomali...frausters-wahindi n all other tribal comparisons...many at times its an individual who has messed bt th whole clan is smerged with the iniquity.
I dont knw abt u bt ths has got to STOP.
How?let us th youths create awareness to our peers,parents n community that no tribe is superior or inferior to th other.
We are Kenyans and ths is what is very important...intermarry btwn tribes,make friends with other clans..our diversity is supposed 2 unite us..We are ONE out of MANY.
Unless we put aside our tribal differences,we will always experience the hate speeches lined with sarcasm,suspicion and disunity which I for sure knw is a timebomb we are sitting on...infact a field of land mines..a step is as risky as th next...Reflect on Rwandas genocide.
TUACHE UKABILA.
In anycase wen it rains..does it recognize anyone by its tribe or affiliation?it drenches all equally.

Question : Wewe ni mkabila gani??

Answer : Mimi ni MKENYA

Today, 22nd of January 2013, I am glad to say that I have found ten other like minded students from the University of Nairobi who have dedicated their time, their energies and resources to address this issue of tribalism which sadly is thriving in this campaign period. This calls for concerted efforts and new strategies in addressing this concern. This is our first step, to the transformation of Kenya. Ambitious? Not quite. We are bringing change to our communities, one person at a time.

Can Kenya learn from Park Geun-hye presidency?

South Korea's elected her first woman president, Park Geun-hye on December 19^th 2012. Ms Park is the daughter of former military strongman Park Chung-hee who ruled South Korea with an iron fist for 18 years. Her campaign was both bolstered and dogged by the legacy of her father, who built South Korea's economy while crushing dissent. She defeated the Democratic United Party (DUP) candidate, Moon Jae-in. There are a lot of lessons to learn from her presidency, particularly Kenya at a time that The Economist reported that Kenya is among the worst countries to be born in, in 2013. Well, this is not something I smile about, more so as a young Kenyan woman. However, there may be some truths to it. Now I know I am playing the devil advocate but there are some things that indeed make Kenya a not so ‘cool’ place to be. Right from politics, security as well as available opportunities that young people can tap into.

I will therefore consider the president-elect Park Geun-hye as a case study on what I as a young Kenyan woman leader can learn; more so from her race for presidency.  Park, who said she had never married or had children has devoted her life to public service, will inherit a formidable array of economic problems such as youth unemployment, inequality and the challenge from a hostile North Korea when she takes office. This I consider vital particularly as Kenya is bracing for its next general election elections in March 4^th 2013. Hopefully, leaders from Kenya and Africa can draw lessons from Parks stratagem. I acknowledge that it is not prudent to “copy-paste” her formula therefore, I will modify and even try to make better few of her ideas to be in tandem with my Kenyan context. Furthermore, I know that some would sneer at my thought of getting lessons from a “dictator’s daughter” but I know for a fact anyone can learn from everyone, what you decide to use is upon you.

Park Geun-hye

The first strategy Park is using is to have a working group/team also her transition team. President-elect Park Geun-hye has a team that was and is charged with hammering out key policies on her behalf and ensuring that her ascent to the top office runs smoothly. Her appointments show her to be a traditionalist who relies on trusted aides and familiar faces. On this note, Kenya needs to clearly distinguish this from the hurriedly made political marriages a.k.a coalitions. These ‘marriages’ are merely vehicles that will drive most leaders into positions of power and once there file a divorce thus render these unions obsolete. Having a team instead of being part of a ‘forced’ conglomerate is probably the manoeuvre Martha Karua is using; in that instead of getting into a coalition with another leader, she like Park has surrounded herself with a team of volunteers who believe in her aspirations and objectives and they selflessly work toward achieving them. This however is not to say that all coalitions are useless, emphasis should be on which coalitions are issue based and not working on personal attacks of the other camp. At this point sadly, most of the coalitions are ridden with internal disgruntles, uncertain strategies and one gets the feeling that some are in this election race merely to loose and be remember in history as having run for political office.

Second strategy, closely linked to the first is trust. This strategy I believe is the corner stone to any endeavour one undertakes. In fact Park Geun-hye is famous for the style in which she will run her government. It is dubbed ‘trustpolitik’. This came at a time that Koreans consider themselves “shrimps among whales” in relation to China, Japan and Russia. However, Park who others call ‘ice-queen’ taking the ‘trustpolitik’ path despite the “shrimp tag” seeks to improve bilateral relations and to persuade N.Korea to curtail its nuclear program and reunification in the end. Ms Park has based her approach on reciprocity where she says she will start with small economic projects and humanitarian aid, and engage further with the North’s leader, Kim Jong Un. This contrasts with the leadership style of her predecessor, Lee Myung-back whose policies severed any links with N.Korea. This method reminds me of the current call for succession by the Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) in Mombasa who want to annex Mombasa (Kenya’s port city) due to concerns of marginalization and unfair development. I think whoever will become the 4^th president of Kenya can use this idea. In that it provides room for dialogue and trust in addressing the pertinent issues underneath the call for secession. Issues raised by MRC are indeed valid and have not been addressed fully but merely wished away by use of force to nip them from growing. In this case, MRC like a season river may not be seen flowing on the surface but it is certainly underneath and if not checked will rise and burst its banks over time. With this strategy, Ms Park seeks to bridge the political divide among the South Koreans and hopefully unite the two Koreas. Concerns of MRC need to be looked at objectively and where possible address them conclusively.Some may term this as idealist thinking but realists emphasize that the end justifies the means therefore; I think it is worth trying with Kenya.

A third strategy would be regional inclusion in all policy formulation and implementation. Ms Park has for instance taken care to give prominent roles to natives of Jeolla province, such as Han Kwang-ok, head of the subcommittee on national unity. Jeolla suffered under successive military regimes in the past, and always votes for the DUP rather than Ms Park’s Saenuri Party. Kenya on the other hand has a major issue of regional cronyism manifested as tribalism and unequal development. This is now worsened by the fact that particular regions represent particular tribes and their development or lack of it, hints on the previous leadership at the national and local level. With the political coalitions whose common thread is the mantra of “uniting all Kenyans in one” is merely a façade and not issue based manifestos. Park has been careful to avoid showing regional cronyism that tripped her predecessor President Lee Myung-bak. Regional cronyisms energize and sustain ineffective leaders who have the support from their regional base. Therefore, as dynamic as it is a leader would time after time redefine their regional identities to align with perceived personal or group imperatives at the expense of the larger community.

Kenya is 50 in 2013, and these three strategies out of the many that Ms Park employs would be instrumental in addressing our persistent and emerging problems of development and security. It will be remembered that Korea then a poor state from Asia approached Kenya for its Development Blue-print. This blue-print was the Kenya Sessional Paper No. 10 of 1965 drafted by Tom Mboya and Mwai Kibaki that would ensure rapid economic development and social progress for its citizens. Robert Greene’s First Law in his book 48 Laws of Power says: Never outshine the master. Well, Korea has proven that indeed this law can be broken because at 2012 Korea has outshined Kenya in all aspects. Korea is the eleventh biggest economy, sixth biggest exporter and hopefully soon become the eighth biggest trading nation while Kenya is still a developing state. Maybe it is about time for Kenya to learn from Park Geun-hye. Change is good, right?

On Political Coalitions

By Mzalendo

Having an executive president makes the stakes in the race for presidency necessarily high. The stakes are made even higher by the impending cases against DPM Uhuru Kenyatta and Eldoret North MP, William Ruto, at International Criminal Court, and what either of the two winning the presidential seat would mean for the cases.

Voting patterns in the country coalitions mean that coalitions may be necessary component for winning the elections. The election threshold for president as provided for in the Constitution states that, “a person shall be declared duly elected President if he or she is the only candidate nominated for election.” Of course this is unlikely given that several aspirants have already declared their intention to run for president (see their credentials here).

In the alternate the constitution also provides that a person can become president if they, attain more than half of the votes cast in the election plus of 25 per cent of votes cast in more than half of the 47 counties. However as a consequence of our motivations for voting and voting patterns it is unlikely that any presidential candidate running alone can attain this threshold.

Hence the rush we saw the week before last by political parties to form coalitions to meet the requirement that coalition agreements entered into before the election be deposited with the Registrar at least three months before the election.

Ideally coalitions are supposed to be an agreement for cooperation between different political parties on a common political agenda. However from the leadership squabbles emerging from the coalitions formed less than two weeks ago it is difficult to figure out whether the coalitions were formed with a coherent political agenda other than winning in mind.

Even if we give coalitions the benefit of the doubt and presume that they were formed on the basis of a common political ideology/agenda, it is at this juncture difficult to tell what that agenda is. As it stands neither of the two coalitions that have emerged as the forerunners, Jubilee Coalition and CORD (if not in fact, then certainly in terms of press coverage) have articulated a coherent policy agenda with regards to the issues that a majority of Kenyans care about i.e. security or the economy.

In fact from the disputes over presidential candidature, it becomes ever more evident that the main purpose of political coalitions is to clear the election threshold i.e. garner the minimum percentage required votes nationally to win.

However whether coalitions formed will hold until March 4, 2013, remains to be seen, particularly where ‘dark forces are at play’.

What are your thoughts on the coalitions?

Call for Volunteer Bloggers/Contributors!

Does Tribalism make your blood boil? Can You write about it? Can you tell your Kenyan thoughts? 

I AM NOT MY TRIBE is looking for YOU! If you have something to say about tribalism, (negative) ethnicity, peace concerns, political and current events where you are, get in touch, we'd love to share your thoughts with our Kenyan/ global audience! 

Email a resume, short writing sample and a cover letter (with your reasons why you would like to contribute your experiences, what you think you could bring to the blog, and your main areas of interest that you would like to write about) to: iamnotmytribe@gmail.com and cc 

eunicekkilonzo@gmail.com with the Subject line: I AM NOT MY TRIBE

Looking forward to hearing from YOU!

Peace Monitors – UWIANO Platform for Peace Activities in all Counties

The UWIANO Platform for Peace, a Conflict Prevention and Response Initiative constituted and implemented by the National Steering Committee on Peace building and Conflict Management (NSC), National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC), Peace Net Kenya, UNDP Kenya and the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) provides a platform for strengthening the coordination of efforts towards a peaceful and cohesive nation.

The Platform is currently implementing the National Conflict Early Warning and Early Response System (NCEWERS) in collaboration with a wide range of state and non-state actors.

Overall Objective:

The Platform requires the services of Peace Monitors (one in each County) to provide support to the implementation of this System.

Duty Stations:

The peace monitors will be based at the County Headquarters to operationalize the UWIANO Conflict Early Warning and Response Centres in the following Counties:

Kilifi, Lamu, Taita Taveta, Meru, Embu, Kitui, Machakos, Makueni, Nyandarua, Kirinyaga, Muranga, Kiambu, Turkana, West Pokot, Samburu, Nandi, Baringo, Kajiado, Kericho, Kakamega, Vihiga, Bungoma, Busia, Siaya, Homa Bay, Migori, and Kisii

Application Procedure:

Interested and qualified candidates should submit their applications which should include the following:

1. Detailed Curriculum Vitae

2. UNDP Personal History Form (P11) ( template provided)

3. Proposal for implementing the assignment (template provided)

Please quote“Peace Monitor – (County Name)”on the subject line. For example “Peace Monitor – (Turkana County”)

Applicants must be residents in the respective counties they apply for.

Applications should be emailed to consultants.ken@undp.org reach us not later than Friday, 7 December 2012 by 12.00 Noon, Kenya Time.

Please see the Terms of Reference, the P11 form, the Individual Contract Proposal form and the Terms and Conditions of Individual Contracts under by visiting the UNDP Kenya Website:

 

http://www.ke.undp.org/index.php/procurements

Of Trading Partners, Integration and the East African Community

With various interconnectivity projects between Uganda and Tanzania; Ethiopia and Kenya and Kenya and Rwanda, the region has taken action to improve trade competitiveness through the improvement of regional hard and soft infrastructure, transparency and predictability of trade and the general quality of the business environment- Report by UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA)

“A prosperous, competitive, secure, stable and politically united East Africa” is the running call for the East Africa Community. Sure enough, cooperation and integration in the East African region has deepened and widened but if you ask me, more can be achieved. Effort and good will from the partner countries (Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda) are required to achieve Mzee Julius Nyerere’s dream of gradual, regional integration leading up to a United States of Africa. The community is the only bloc to have taken concrete steps to integrate the three pillars of development; economic development, social inclusion and environmental protection. Realists however, will argue that this is a pipe dream as national interests are the driving force in all relations among states. Liberalists on the other hand, state that man is inherently good and common good is the guiding principle. By extension therefore, integration and cooperation is an achievable reality. The ultimate goal of the East African Community is to develop an East African Federation.
Article 5 (2) of the Treaty on the Establishment of the East African Community envisaged integration among the countries of the East Africa to progress from a Customs Union, a Common Market, Monetary Union and ultimately a Political Federation. The Common Market is my area of discussion in this essay. The pillars of the Common Market include free movement of labour, goods, services, capital and the right of establishment. EAC integration is people-centred, thus in the long run should nurture a bond of eastafricaness with a distinct East African identity.
The first advantage of the common market is that East African citizens are able to move freely from one partner country to another with minimal identification documentation. These harmonized services are a major step in deepening integration as well as facilitating cooperation on matters of defence, information sharing and immigration policies. This will make the region attractive for service providers, businesses, students and other East Africans who wish to tap into this potential. David Mitrany, a scholar on integration, states that this free movement of people enhances elite complimentary. In a way therefore, this EAC debate will achieve this objective as students from the partner states will congregate to debate about their region on behalf of their respective states.
This year, I visited the Namanga border and I must say I was impressed with the fastidiousness in processing documents. I also noticed the computerized systems in place, which further quickened the process of document verification and the automatic two-week allowance to stay in any of the partner states. Airports also have East African immigration tills and friendly officers who assist travellers in the region. The Common Market Protocol provides for East African citizens to work and own land and property in any partner states. This therefore provided an environment for both formal and informal businesses in the partner states.
Considering that harmonization of trade policies is a prerequisite of the Common Market, national interests have been the major impediment to these efforts. Kenya can be said to be more capitalist than the other partners. Therefore, national interests camouflaged as profits and benefits for the Kenyan citizen have sidelined the spirit of equality of member states. Kenya can to some extent be said to be using thy neighbour for selfish ends: benefiting at the expense of the other EA partners. Due to taxes and other product charges that are not harmonized, there is a huge difference in the cost of similar commodities in the region. This splits the market as people are most likely to buy the cheaper products. Nonetheless, some traders have found a way around this predicament by use of alternative illegal routes in order to carry out business at cheaper costs. This means that the region loses vital revenue which can be used in infrastructure development. For instance, truck drivers noted the poor state of some roads linking the partner states in the region.
The expansive EA Market is not proportional to the human resources manning it. Understaffing in the customs office is a nightmare and few personnel are in charge of processing the large population who transverse the region, particularly in Uganda. Furthermore, the lack of banking/ currency bureau facilities is yet another hindrance. This is coupled by the fact that different currencies mean that tax paid by Tanzanians when importing goods to Kenya is not the same in value as that paid when importing goods to Tanzania. Hopefully, the introduction of a single currency will avert this issue. Other disadvantages include implementation constraints, lack of critical technical capabilities as well as logistical and technical resources.
In conclusion, the EAC – being people centred – ought to have mechanisms in place to create a sense of eastafricaness as well as dialogue from the EAC Secretariat to the common mwananchi  and more involvement with young people. Additionally, more needs to be achieved to empower women’s involvement in the integration process. One promising effort is the East African Women in Business Platform (EAWiBP) and Strategic Plan which is committed to equity and mainstreaming gender in social and economic development. As I hinted in the beginning, more can be achieved for regional integration in the East African Region, as the Common Market is one of the corner-stones for the steady growth of the EA region and ultimately a Political Federation. It may be shaky now, but the foundation can be firmer and stronger; it is just a matter of time, political will and support from partner states.

A Life Phases Approach to Gender Based Violence

There lacks a unanimous definition of what Gender Based Violence (GBV) is as it differs in countries, communities and the legal context. Murray Straus, of the University of New Hampshire however echoes it as aggression, as opposed to anger, with an intent to hurt or harm and can be expressed physically, verbally or by withdrawing. In terms of GBV more so directed to women; men exhibit higher levels of physical aggression than women, but that does not mean that men too are not victims of GBV. It cuts across class, race, age, religion and national boundaries. Sadly, children and the handicapped are minority groups who are often more at risk.

In 2010 Kate Nustedt, Executive Director of Women for Women notes that in times of war/conflicts a woman’s burdens only get heavier, her vulnerabilities more pronounced. She remains locked in poverty, often losing the protection of home and husband, coping with fear and suffering devastating rights violations and violence, including torture, rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution and mutilation.

The 2008/2009 Kenya Health and Demographic Survey (DHS) indicates that domestic violence is rife in Kenya. The survey revealed that 39% of women have been physically or sexually assaulted by their husband or partner. In addition, the Federation of Women Lawyers Kenya (FIDA) highlighted that gender based violence and intimate partner violence is on an upward spiral. However, sexual and gender-based violence is exacerbated by conflict and is a key risk factor for HIV/AIDS as illustrated in the Women for Women International report. It further advances that women, children, the mentally/physically incapacitated in conflict-affected settings lack the basic level of security, protection of rights and access to justice. This is evident following the Kenya’s post-election violence after the 2007 elections, where cases of sexual and gender based violence were witnessed. Aminata Diaw-Cissé recently insisted that “we cannot end gender-related violence without understanding the social construction which is the backdrop.”

Eunice Kilonzo

Table 1: Types of Violence commonly experienced at various phases of the life cycle 

PHASE	TYPE OF VIOLENCE
Prenatal	Prenatal sex selection, battering during pregnancy, coerced pregnancy (rape during war)
Infancy	Female infanticide, emotional and physical abuse, differential access to food and medical care.
Childhood	Genital cutting; incest and sexual abuse; differential access to food, medical care, and education; child prostitution.
Adolescence	Dating and courtship violence, economically coerced sex, sexual abuse in the workplace, rape, sexual harassment, forced prostitution.
Reproductive	Reproductive  Abuse of women by intimate partners, marital rape, dowry abuse and murders, partner homicide, psychological abuse, sexual abuse in the workplace, sexual harassment, rape, abuse of women with disabilities
Old Age	Abuse of widows, elder abuse (which affects mostly women)

Source: Heise, L. 1994. Violence Against Women: The Hidden Health Burden. World Bank Discussion Paper. Washington. D.C. The World Bank.

Clearly, Gender Based Violence is present in every phase of life, worse still if you are a woman. Gross breaches of human rights, which sometimes involve security institutions that are responsible for protecting women, contribute to the perpetuation of Gender Based Violence. There is thus an urgent need for legislation to be enacted to provide for avenues seeking redress all persons affected by GBV.

Eunice Kilonzo

See also:

http://womenworldwideinitiative.org/2012/11/27/more than-16-days-a-life-phases-approach-to-gender-based-violence/

http://internationalpoliticalforum.com/a-life-phases-approach-to-gender-based-violence/

Insecurity Concerns: Are we safe?

As of the today the 14th of November, about 44 police officers are confirmed dead however this toll could be higher as more bodies are being recovered form the scene. The 42 died while on duty in Baragoi, in Suguta Valley in the northern Samburu County as they attempted to recover stolen cattle.This comes at a time when barely a fortnight ago, 12 civilians were killed in similar circumstances. Local leaders said the clashes occurred when heavily armed raiders from the Samburu community invaded a village and stole 205 camels and two donkeys during the early Saturday morning raid in Samburu County in northwest Kenya. This prompted the police to pursue them, unfortunately for some- to their deaths. 

Considering the fatalities from the ambush it is said that the cattle rustlers may have had prior information of the police plans and were thus strategically placed in the ambush.After being ambushed, the police were shot arbitrarily by heavily armed militiamen believed to have come from Turkana. BBC reports that the attackers used sophisticated weapons such as anti-personnel bombs and rocket-propelled grenades further highlighting their preparedness. Internal Security Minister Katoo ole Metito vowed to bring those responsible to justice, the Standard newspaper reports.

Currently, the situation is tense, with heavily armed security personnel patrolling villages. In addition, the Tana Delta deaths are still fresh and the family of the bodyguard of Minister Amason Kingi is still mourning.These insecurity concerns highlight that something is not being done well. Because,if the police are not safe, then citizens are not any better. These killings have come at a very crucial time when the interviews for the Inspector General of the Police is going on while there is disquiet in the police force over their terms of service. 

My Kenyan Thoughts.

International Student Festival 2013

I have been invited to attend the International Student Festival (ISFiT 2013) and Student peace prize from the 7^th to 17^th of February in Norway. I am humbled to have this opportunity to represent my country at this event.

ISFiT is a meeting place where future leaders are given a chance to be heard, build networks and trade ideas. It is a place where ideas are generated, discussions and debates held, experiences shared and knowledge gained. The theme of this year’s festival will be Global Trade with 16 workshops arranged in an interdisciplinary manner to allow students to explore issues directly connected to their own area of study while also providing the opportunity to engage with other students from a wide range of disciplines. It aims to foster international co-operation among students globally and inspire selected students through renowned speakers during plenary sessions. Previous speakers have included Professor Wangari Maathai, Dr. Desmond Tutu, His Holiness Dalai Lama and the former director general of WHO Dr. Gro Harlem Brundtland.

The festival strives to empower youth socially, economically and politically to promote self reliance and productive youth globally thus the festival will be beneficial to both me and my country. In order to attend this event I have to raise 1200USD to cover transportation to Norway; any amount granted will be greatly appreciated and will go directly towards funding my transportation.

Feel free to comment with ideas of how I can raise money for the airfare to eunicekkilonzo@gmail.com

Thanks!

 

Let not Ethnicity derail March to true Democracy

By LANCE KIPNG’ETICH In the current heated political campaigns, tribalism has assumed a worrying proportion. Some politicians have no qualms about stoking negative ethnicity if doing so will get them votes. Apparently in the hunt for power, which is a ticket to quick wealth in Kenya, the rules of the jungle apply. Take for instance this line of argument that the next president must not be a Kikuyu or Kalenjin. The reason given is that the first president was a Kikuyu, the second a Kalenjin and the third yet another Kikuyu. Those pushing this argument say the presidency is not the birthright of these communities. This sounds convincing only if you turn a blind eye to glaring facts. This theory is based on a distortion of the history of politics in this country. The proponents of this view want us to see the presidency of Jomo Kenyatta, the founding father of the nation, through the blinkers of negative ethnicity. Kenyatta assumed office after a long arduous struggle against imperialism. President Kenyatta was never seen by any community as a Kikuyu but a national hero who had played a pivotal role in rooting out colonialism. To, therefore, refer his tenure a as a Kikuyu presidency is to insult the legacy of this icon who is in the league of Kwame Nkrumah. Ahmed Sékou Touré, Julius Nyerere, Gamal Abd El Nasser and W.E.B Du Bois. It is also laughable to term Moi’s tenure at State House as a Kalenjin stint. When Kenyatta died, Moi became the head of state because he was the Vice President. The old Constitution stipulated that the VP would take over in acting capacity for 90 days when the President died or was unable to perform his duties for whatever reason. When the 90 days elapsed, Moi was confirmed as Head of State without going through the rigours of an election. There was uncertainty in every corner of the fledgling nation following Kenyatta’s death and hence the overriding need to swiftly bring the fluid situation to normalcy by confirming Moi as the substantive president. In the 1979 General Election, Moi was selected, not elected, because he was seen as a moderate who would reconcile competing forces in the country. Besides, the nation was still young and hence a steady hand was needed to consolidate the powers of the State by nurturing the then nascent institutions. The Constitution and political expediency, therefore conspired to install Moi at the pinnacle of power. Kalenjin had no role in putting him in State House. Further, during the single party rule, Kenyans were not in a position to decide who became president. Moi was always elected “unopposed with an overwhelming majority”. Yes, we went to the polls every five years. When Mwai Kibaki took over in 2002, tribalists were at it again with their retrogressive calculations. Now the Kikuyu have had it twice, they said. Never mind that Kibaki was the seniormost politician with vast leadership experience among the galaxy of aspirants for the top job. Should Kenyans have elected someone else with less credentials just to balance the ethnic arithmetic? Raila Odinga did not say “Kibaki tosha” for no apparent reason. He did so because Kibaki was the best candidate. To say Kibaki was elected because he is a Kikuyu is to insult his impressive leadership CV. And during Kenyatta’s 15-year rule, there were no candidates who opposed him, largely because it was felt the country was still fragile and it was not appropriate to engage in competitive politicsfor the top job. The sentiment that Kenyans are ‘fatigued’ about Kikuyu presidency also flies in the face of democracy. Those who love this country have been campaigning so hard against the toxic politics of tribalism. We have always longed to see Kenyans vote for leaders without taking into consideration their ethnicity. To tell Uhuru Kenyatta, Martha Karua and Peter Kenneth to abandon their presidential ambitions is not only to unfairly defer their constitutional dream but, more significantly, to water down the same democracy we have been agitating for. In essence, we want to eliminate these aspirants from the race just because of their tribe. This is a travesty of fair play. It defeats the purpose of the new Constitution if tribe remains a central factor in choosing leaders. Others say Uhuru should not run for State House because his father was the president. Are we saying Uhuru should not enjoy his constitutional right just because he happens to be the son of Jomo? The US, which is by far a more developed democracy than ours, voted for George Bush Jnr only eight years after his father exited the presidency. It is now a good 34 years since Jomo died! Let us focus on the records of the aspirants and what they plan to do for us and shut the door firmly on parochial tribal sideshows. This is the only way we will give meaning to the sacrifices we made to realise reform. If a Kikuyu has the best credentials among the State House hopefuls, the ideals of democracy state that that is the right person to lead us. Perhaps what is slipping our mind is that we are in a new dispensation where the President has been stripped of the powers to freely dole out national resources to allies, relatives and friends. Those that still think they will ‘eat’ when someone from their community becomes president are, as US President Barack Obama would say, on the wrong side of history. kilance@yahoo.com http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/index.php?articleID=2000066821&story_title=-Let-not-ethnicity-derail-march-to-true-democracy