Safeguarding Rights: Empowering Youths

As part of the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR) coalition’s essay competition ('Why is the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa important to you?'), Eunice Kilonzo discusses the strengths and limitations of the protocol.

The Protocol on the rights of women in Africa is important to me due to two major reasons, and probably even three, that it safeguards. First, I am an African, a woman and thirdly a youth. As an African young woman as well as other youths, we are a special resource that requires special attention not only because of the demographic bonus but also of the inert energy that we possess. We are a formidable creative resource that can be harnessed for Africa’s socioeconomic development. The Protocol is important to me as when the African heads of state will be convening in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea they will be discuss about me, about my fellow youths and about our empowerment. The theme of the summit is ‘Youth empowerment for sustainable development’.

In order to achieve the positive outcomes in the areas of education, employment, health and citizenship, to fight poverty among the youth, a holistic approach to youth development has become an urgent matter that should be focused on. The African Youth Charter and its rapid entry into force, the celebration of the Year of African Youth in 2008 and the annual celebration of the African Youth Day every 1st November, the declaration of a Decade (2009-2018) for Youth development, and its approved 10 year-plan of action, are convincing evidences that confirm the continental impetus to the African youth development.

Over time, the youths have been reminded that they are the leaders of tomorrow. However the proverbial tomorrow never comes. As a youth I believe our/my tomorrow has come, our tomorrow in now. Thus by understanding and knowing what the Protocol entails then we will be taking the first steps towards understanding how to achieve sustainable development. Statistically, about 62% of Africa’s overall population fall below the age of 35 and more than 35% are between 15 and 35 years old. Six thousand (6,000) young people are infected with HIV/AIDS everyday all over the world; most of them girls in Sub-Saharan Africa.

On 26 October 2005, the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa received its 15th ratification, meaning the Protocol entered into force on 25 November 2005. This date was also significant as it also coincided with the start of the international 16 days of activism on ending violence against women. This marked a milestone in the protection and promotion of women’s rights in Africa, creating new rights for women in terms of international standards.

The Protocol is very crucial for the protection and promotion of women’s rights. For instance in its first Article it calls for equality for all by eliminating discrimination against women. The Protocol urges States Parties to commit themselves to modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of women and men through public education, information, education and communication strategies, with a view to achieving the elimination of harmful cultural and traditional practices and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes, or on stereotyped roles for women and men. This Protocol in my opinion is the architecture essential for change. This in a nutshell means that it advocates for the changing of negative power relations, gender inequality and the disempowerment and impoverishment of women in Africa.

In addition, the Protocol in Article 5 calls for the legal prohibition of female genital mutilation. It also asks for the provision of necessary support to victims of harmful practices through health services, legal and judicial support, emotional and psychological counselling as well as vocational training to make them self-supporting. The Protocol further prohibits the abuse of women through all other forms of harmful practices which negatively affect the human rights of women and which are contrary to recognized international standards.  Thus it sets forth a broad range the social welfare rights for women. The rights of particularly vulnerable groups of women, including widows, elderly women, disabled women and “women in distress,” which includes poor women, women from marginalized populations groups, and pregnant or nursing women in detention are specifically recognized. This Article thus protects me and other women from any harmful practices.

Article 6 of the Protocol states that: women and men enjoy equal rights and are regarded as equal partners in marriage. This particular Article is important to me because it clearly spells out that no marriage shall take place without the free and full consent of both parties; thus forced marriages will be a thing for the past especially in some communities in my country. Another great provision is that the minimum age of marriage for women shall be 18 years; thus child brides are no more. Another clause of interest to me is that upon marriage, I shall have the right to maintain my maiden name jointly or separately with my husband's surname. Thus I will not have to go through a long process of paper work to register a new acquired name. In addition, during the marriage, I shall have the right to acquire my own property and to administer and manage it freely.

Article 11 deals with the Protection of Women in Armed Conflicts. It calls for States Parties undertake to respect and ensure respect for the rules of international humanitarian law applicable in armed conflict situations, which affect the population, particularly women. A third clause of the Articles denotes that States Parties undertake to protect asylum seeking women, refugees, returnees and internally displaced persons, against all forms of violence, rape and other forms of sexual exploitation, and to ensure that such acts are considered war crimes, genocide and/or crimes against humanity and that their perpetrators are brought to justice before a competent criminal jurisdiction. Also the States Parties shall take all necessary measures to ensure that no child, especially girls under 18 years of age, take a direct part in hostilities and that no child is recruited as a soldier.

The Protocol endorses in Article 12 that the States Parties shall take specific positive action to promote literacy among women, promote education and training for women at all levels and in all disciplines, particularly in the fields of science and technology. They will also promote the enrolment and retention of girls in schools and other training institutions and the organization of programmes for women who leave school prematurely. This coupled with affirmative action promotes the equal participation of women, including equal representation of women in elected office, and calls for the equal representation of women in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies. Articulating a right to peace, the Protocol recognizes the right of women to participate in the promotion and maintenance of peace. This addresses the problem of negative power relations, as few if any women would be allowed let alone be able to hold any office. Interestingly, the recently passed Kenya constitution ensures that more women take up leadership positions. For instance, Ms. Nancy Barasa has been nominated for the position of Deputy Chief Justice among many other women who are at the helm of authority in my country.

This encourages me, a young woman to aspire for an office in any field without fear of being barred by the virtue of being female. In line with Article 2 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the non-discrimination clause, which provides that the rights and freedoms enshrined in the charter will be enjoyed by all irrespective of their sex; Article 3, states that every individual will be equal before the law and be entitled to the equal protection of the law. Other Articles of importance to the woman folk include Article 18(3), which is specifically about the protection of the family and promises to ensure the elimination of discrimination against women and protect their rights.

Youth action is critical to the continents development. The Protocol further ensures that girls and women can make equally valued contributions to development especially in line with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). For instance, the Protocol in Article 14 explicitly sets forth the reproductive right of women to medical abortion when pregnancy results from rape or incest or when the continuation of pregnancy endangers the health or life of the mother. This comes in light of the many illegal abortions; pregnancy and childbirth that cause the deaths of at least 250,000 women each year in Africa. This means that Africa and the world at large lose a great number of its natural resource. It reminds me of the recent shocking findings in Congo. Women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have been raped at a rate 26 times higher than previously thought. The shockingly high number is equivalent to 1,152 women raped every day, 48 raped every hour, or four women raped every five minutes. The rape itself is traumatizing enough not to mention the child conceived from the heinous act. As innocent as the baby is, it will always be a constant reminder to the woman of an event she would rather forget; not to mention other difficulties compounded as a result of the assault. This goes further to show that sexual violence in the DRC is not only a grievous mass violation of human rights but is a security threat to the entire nation.

The Protocol states that women’s sexual and reproductive health is to be both respected and promoted, which is predicated on women’s right to control their fertility and by the obligation of states to provide adequate, affordable and accessible health services. It also demands that governments establish and strengthen existing pre-natal, delivery and post-natal services for all African women. The Protocol enforces the right to self-protection, and to be informed of one’s health status and that of one’s partner. It also provides for health services to cope with the effects of HIV/AIDS.

As a youth, I feel there is a lack of connection in my country between the ministries of justice, finance, of foreign affairs and the ministries of gender/women. This will mean that even with the Protocol in place, the lack of cohesion will lead to gaps in implementation and monitoring and in turn the success of a good cause geared at development of the continent obsolete. The Protocol addresses this concern by elaborating that the States that are signatory to this Protocol are expected to implement and monitor the actualization of the rights provided in the Protocol and, in particular, provide budgetary and other resources for the full and effective implementation of the rights recognized in the Protocol. They are also expected to report on progress in their periodic reports to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. I share the sentiments of Ugandan activist Sarah Mukasa who noted, there is often a “disconnection between the pronouncements made at regional level and the action taken nationally and locally…domestication and implementation is riddled with challenges that will have to be overcome if the Protocol is to benefit the women it seeks to protect”. She goes on to identify three major obstacles in most countries namely; weak public appreciation of the centrality of constitutionalism and the rule of law, inadequately resourced national gender machinery and lastly, the precedence of entering reservations on progressive clauses.

In conclusion, I know that the Protocol on the rights of Women in Africa is important to me as it safeguards my welfare holistically as well as that of the future generation of women. It is upon me as a youth to be willing and ready to use my potential for the development of mother Africa. I believe an empowered youth is an agent of change. We are critical for the continents development, it is our responsibility. I want to be empowered and bring the change Africa needs. This is a luta continua. Nkozi Africa!!

 http://www.soawr.org/resources/SOAWR_Youth_Essay_Competition_Finalist_Essays_booklet.pdf

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/74096/print

Youth Enterprise Development Fund: What the Youths (don’t) know

By Eunice Kilonzo

Since its launch by President Mwai Kibaki in 2007, the Youth Enterprise Development Fund (YEDF) is yet to fully achieve its objectives. The fund was established to address the problem of youth unemployment. This would be achieved through investment opportunities in micro, small and medium enterprises which will be beneficial to youth empowerment and development. The fund which seeks to support youth growth is stalled by a number of reasons. According to Fred Kasina, the Economic Development Manager at the partnership for a HIV Free Generation, Kenya; few youths actually know about the fund. He was speaking at a recent youth training:

“Very few youths know and actually applied for the Youth Loan…there is a lot of money to start up businesses, youths fear loans”

Sharing his sentiments is Bernadette Mungai, who is the chief Manager at Kenya Institute of Management who says

“We have had several trainings to sensitize the youths about the economic opportunities available yet there is a low turnout when it comes to youths actually getting the loans”

To begin with most youths think that the money given by the Youth Fund is a grant and not a loan. This misconception is contributed by youth’s belief that the government promised to avail 500,000 jobs annually and this Youth Fund is put in place to achieve this aim.

 Edwin Shomba a student at a local university when interviewed says

“I think it’s something like a grant you get from the government without having to repay it. I actually do not know where to go for assistance on the Youth fund”

Edwin like many other youths lack information about YEDF, its requirements as well as the necessary project/ business management skills.

 An employee of the YEDF said that the institution offers loans to either individuals or a group. She said

“For a group to be funded, it needs to have a minimum of 10 members. The group presents its business proposal to the institution which is given a start-up boost of Kshs 50,000 at an interest rate of 5% payable within 12 months. Prior to the money being issued, the group goes through training on business management, book keeping as well as accounts management skills”

On the other hand if there are less than ten youths who have a business plan, say five, they can still apply for the Youth Fund. This can be achieved through a different Loan plan.

“An individual or a group of five youth should have been in business for at least three months prior the loan application. Depending on the business they can get their desired capital at a rate of 8% payable within 14 months provided they have their company’s registration certificate and other supporting documents. Both the individual as well as the group loan, there is a two month grace period after the expected repayment provided there is earlier notification to YEDF”.

Interestingly, one youth-James Waigwa, a third year student is still wary about taking the loan.

“I heard about YEDF a year ago, during the world cup period and I even attended a conference in KICC about the fund. However, am still in school and I can only run and maintain a business when on vacation, which rarely last three months. I had begun a video place where guys would come to watch the world cup matches but I could not sustain the business. I feared to take a loan from the Youth Fund for I did not know much about it, its interest rates and implications of defaulting payment, I am still not aware”

Edwin and James are among many other youths despite having great business ideas are yet to approach YEDF for economic empowerment. Most recently youths from Kilifi refused to acquire the loans for fear that the loans are politically motivated. In that one is given a loan in exchange for their votes in the upcoming general elections. YEDF however is on an awareness program to sensitize youths about the Youth Fund as well as dispelling myths on the same.

Vision 2030: Dream or Reality

Of the year 2015, Kenya and the MDGs: Can we hack this?

Kenya can achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) but sadly not by 2015. I know I sound like a prophet of doom but Kenya as well as most African countries have a long way to go before this achievement is realized. In essence, the target of 100 percent completion in primary school can be achieved with some additional resources targeted to the primary sector. However, a substantial increase of resources is needed at secondary and tertiary level of education to reach other goals set by the Kenyan government. Even if higher investment in all MDG sectors is needed the water sector seems to be requiring a substantial increase compared to what have been invested in the past. In 2012, Kenya is emerging from one of the worst financial crises, facing the harsh consequences of multiple natural disasters such as famine and floods, and grappling with how to secure its borders from the Al-Shabaab menace.

MDGs serve as a foundation for countries to the anchor their development strategies on. However, there appears to be a gap on what was expected to be achieved by 2015 and what has been achieved so far. Subsequently, the masses of Kenyan people remain poor despite the MDGs being integrated into Kenya’s Vision 2030.

My first encounter with the word MDGs was back in 2004 while in High school, for some reason I thought it was a government commission of inquiry or even a report on politics. Flash forward to 2009 in campus and during my Political Science class the lecturer would mention MDGs here and there prompting me to not only know them but also understand what it/they were.

The eight Millennium Development Goals were signed by 189 countries during the United Nations Millennium summit in 2000, 12 years ago. These goals are meant to facilitate developments among developing countries with the assistance and support of the developed nations. These eight goals have specific targets, defined deadline set to improve lives of people in the developing countries where unfortunately, the poorest people live in. The eight Goals are inter-linked. Success or failure on any one Goal will affect efforts to achieve all the others. MDGs provide a framework for the international community to work together towards a common end: of collective human development.

With that brief overview of the MDGs, in this essay I will discuss each of the eight goals, how far Kenya has been able to achieve the goals. I will conclude with the overall obstacles encountered, suggestions of averting similar impediments and the way forward. As I was writing this essay, I recalled the remarks by the Minister of State for Planning, National Development and Vision 2030, Wycliffe Oparanya:

“Post election violence in 2008, successive droughts, global increases in food and energy costs especially after 2010, are likely to set the MGDs off the track”.

Goal 1: Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger.

‘Unless the MDGs are first implemented, then Vision 2030 will be unachievable.’

Jomo Kenyatta envisioned a state where ignorance, disease and poverty would be history. He heralded a path that his successors picked from but the progress has not been smooth. There is a high percentage of Kenyans who live under a dollar a day. The meagre allowance hardly covers daily expenses hence drown in debts and loans. The ongoing inflation is characterized by high costs of products, on the other hand, there are individuals, let me call “elites” whose collective salary is capable of sustaining over a hundred Kenyans under the poverty level for months on end. This sounds like hyperbole but truth is these extremes-poorest and richest- greatly affects Kenya’s achievements of the MDGs.

Vision 2030, a blue print of Kenya’s development, is set on the pillars of the eight Goals. This vision aims at making Kenya a middle income country providing high quality of life for its citizens by the year 2030. It also seeks to make Kenya an industrialized nation through the economic, social and political spheres. Unless MDGs are first implemented, then Vision 2030 will be unachievable. Similarly to a hare challenging the lion to a duel and yet the hyena is on its case. Unless the hare does away with the hyena then the fight with the lion will only be a hazy smoky dream, just that: a dream!

On hunger, the high food prices that we are experiencing give a distressing reminder of the vulnerability of large parts of sub-Saharan Africa to hunger. This puts many Kenyan children susceptible to poor growth, poor development and death as witnessed mid last year in Dadaab. Amusingly, even before these sky rocketing prices, children were either suffering from hunger or under nutrition related complications. The first MDG sets to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger-reflecting that under nutrition is a symptom and a cause of poverty.

Goal 2: Achieve universal primary education.

‘This cushions children from poor socio-economic backgrounds, especially girls from failing to participate in primary education or dropping out of school due to lack of fees and other school levies.’

Free primary education (FPE) was introduced by H.E. President Mwai Kibaki when he came into power in 2002. It has seen the enrolment rate increase as the years go by from 93% in 2002 to 107.7% in 2007. The aim of FPE programme is to provide more school opportunities, especially for the poor communities this is because; payment of school fees tends to prevent a large proportion of children from attending school. Fees and levies for tuition in primary education under FPE were abolished. The government and development partners meet the cost of basic teaching and learning materials and wages for critical non-teaching staff and co-curricular activities.

However, free primary education has considerable problems. It has exacerbated the problem of teaching and learning facilities as classrooms are congested. The existing facilities make a mockery of the free education programme. Teachers complain of increased pupil teacher ratios. Many primary schools are understaffed. This does not augur well for the quality of education being delivered. Plus the current cost of FPE is way beyond the normal education budget allocation.

Despite the shortcomings, in 2007, Mwai Kibaki, declared that his government would also offer free secondary education come 2008. By doing so, Kenya was moved away from the elementary level provided for by the MDGs to an even more comprehensive and technical level- Free Secondary Education. This was received with skeptic thoughts being dismissed as a campaign strategy to woo votes. However, four years later a large number of students being churned out from the primary school is getting admitted into the high school level.

Goal 3: Promote gender equality and empower women

‘There is a difference between having a right to property and being able to exercise that right effectively.’

There have been notable changes in institutional arrangements which have been strengthened in the gender sector to promote women’s participation in development through the Ministry of Gender and Children Affairs. In a bid to safeguard women’s rights and uphold gender equality, Kenya has ensured that there is an almost equal representation as well as opportunities for both sexes in all sectors. Almost because the constitution provides that no gender should hold more than two thirds in number of positions/ allocation in a particular department. Kenyan women have faced social, political and cultural obstacles to enjoying their rights. There are cultural norms and practices that show a bias against women owning land or property.  In order to achieve gender equality it is essential to revise and reinforce legal systems to protect women’s rights, adopt and implement rights based education and increase budget allocations on gender affairs.

Goal 4: Reduce child mortality.

‘The World Health Organization says that poverty-related malnutrition is the key factor in over half of all childhood deaths.’

Child mortality refers to the death of infants and children under the age of five. It is caused mainly by poor nutrition, diseases, polluted and contaminated drinking water. Children especially in the pastoralist communities and arid areas suffer from low birth weight due to their mothers’ poor nutrition, and lack access to adequate nutrition themselves.

I will tackle the issue on under/malnutrition in relation to child mortality. Without proper nutrition, children suffer more severe childhood illnesses, stunted growth, developmental delays even death. Malnutrition is preventable through low-cost interventions early in life. Child malnutrition worsens during droughts, economic crises, conflict, displacement and HIV.

The nutrition of the Kenyan children and particularly of those orphaned and infected with the HIV virus desperately needs improving. Failure to do so violates their human rights and in turn undermines development today and in the next generation. In 2009, there were approximately 2.4 million Orphans and Vulnerable Children (OVC) living in Kenya and approximately 600,000 of those in extremely poor households. The number of OVC is on the rise because of HIV/AIDS.

The government has tried by improving the facilities in public health centers and also the accessibility to drugs. The coverage of immunization has also increased to over 80%. About 70% of children under the age of five years are receiving bed nets to protect them against mosquitoes that spread malaria.

Goal 5: Improve maternal health.

‘Improving the availability of trained midwives and emergency obstetric care is not enough to reduce maternal mortality if mothers cannot afford the services.’

Maternal health refers to the health of women during pregnancy, childbirth and the postpartum period. While motherhood is often a positive and fulfilling experience, for too many women it is associated with suffering, ill-health and even death. The major direct causes of maternal morbidity and mortality include hemorrhage, infection, high blood pressure, unsafe abortion, and obstructed labour.

Current estimates of maternal mortality ratios in Kenya are as high as 560 deaths per 100,000 live births. This is worsened by the pervasive poverty and lack of quality health services in slum areas. With a functioning health care system, most maternal deaths are avoidable if complications are identified early. Like many other health indicators, the burden of maternal mortality is heaviest among the poor.

Tim Ensor, a Health Economist, noted that providing adequate access to maternal health care is a test of the entire health system. In addition, lowering prices for essential health commodities such as effective anti-malarial drugs needs to be accompanied by community strategies to improve the knowledge of those purchasing the drugs.

Despite the increase in number of midwives, maternal mortality remains high in Kenya. In addition, there is a strong relationship between wealth and use and access of health care services. Amongst the poorest household, home births are common or services are sought from the ill equipped health centers. Village midwives rely on private income thus may be unwilling to deliver women who cannot pay. This further subjects the expectant woman into a myriad of avoidable consequences such as loss of the baby or even her life.

Safe motherhood although attainable, is a challenge for Kenya. Women die from pregnancy-complications because they do not have access to emergency care services obtainable at the health facility level due to lack of supplies in facilities or the providers lack the necessary skills. Therefore there ought to be intervention to reduce maternal deaths or the likelihood that a complication will result in death.

I think Kenya should try contracting out public services, such as health care, as a way of supplementing and complementing Governments own delivery of services. This will be thriving particularly in hard to reach populations thus served effectively by private groups. Contracting out allows government to use public resources for services provided by non-government organizations who have the ability to deliver an agreed set of health care services. Advantages? Yes. Several actually, one there will be increased efficiency due to competition of the various contracted entities as well as measurable performances. NGOs are flexible than governments because they respond faster to changing circumstances and have a more decentralized decision making system. In conclusion, contracting out has resulted in better provider performance, lower costs, shorter waiting times and higher patient satisfaction.

While contracting can work it is not a panacea. The contract must be precise and specific with expected results; there should be clear criteria to assess performance, a defined process to monitor progress as well as modification of a contract in response to problems. Lastly, there should be appropriate monitoring and evaluation of the contract.

Goal 6: Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases.

‘Every 45 seconds, a child dies of malaria despite malaria being preventable and treatable.’

Currently, millions of Kenya’s do not have access to basic, good quality health services. The Alma Ata Declaration of 1978 defined primary health care as a basic health care which is universally accessible and affordable to all individuals. It was argued as being too idealistic rather than realistic and thus difficult to achieve. Sadly, Kenya unlike other developed countries might have stalled at this point. This is because, in a country where the declaration hoped to control infectious diseases, Kenyan’s succumb to diseases such as cholera, typhoid, malaria and many other preventable diseases. Add HIV/AIDS into the mix and it is a conundrum. 64% of Kenya’s 40 million populations are youths and new HIV infections are amongst the 64%. The prevalence data suggests that the females are most hit with a prevalence of 6.7% compared to 3.5% among males. The estimates further show that prevalence is higher in the urban areas (8.3%) than in the rural areas (4.0%). This is alarming because the youths being the future population/leaders may not be healthy enough to support and be part of Kenya’s development as well as achieving the MDGs and consequently the Vision 2030, provided that the health care system is not given a new lease of life.

The World Health Organization recognized the importance of a functioning health system. Kenya should take the challenge and better its health system at least before 2015 in preparation for 2030. One is most likely to walk into a church by merely walking out of your house, yet you are more likely to die from an illness before you reach the nearest hospital. What am I saying with this? Health centres and equipped hospitals should be accessible and available. The 2002 Commission on Macroeconomics and Health advocated the use of a ‘close-to-client’ system, including outreach services, health centres and local hospitals to be accessible to poor people.

Goal 7: Ensure environmental sustainability.

‘Climate change has been another factor complicating the situation in Kenya and thus stakeholders should come together to understand the reasons behind such changes and what to do.’

Africa’s environment is closely linked with its climate. It is one of the most vulnerable regions to climate change- subject to frequent droughts, floods and famine. The livelihoods of most Africans are largely dependent on utilisation of land-based resources. As a result of this dependency and widespread poverty, the Kenyan communities are vulnerable to the effects and impacts of climate change. In contrast the government has no established social security systems to mitigate citizens against these climate-induced risks. Specific impacts include desertification, sea level rise, reduced freshwater availability, cyclones, coastal erosion, deforestation, loss of forests, woodland degradation, coral bleaching, spread of malaria and other diseases and impacts on food security.

If Kenya is to sustain its environment, there is need for individual and collective effort. The late Nobel Laureate Wangari Mathaai was a warrior for the environment even in her death. Government should have a plan for realistic climate conservation strategies and ultimate mitigation of the climate degradation factors.

Goal 8: Develop a global partnership for development.

“If we form strong global partnerships, if we support what works, if we back people of vision and action-we can meet the MDGs”

This goal recognizes that eradicating poverty worldwide can be achieved only through a global partnership for development. This global deal makes clear that it is the primary responsibility of poor countries to ensure greater accountability to citizens and efficient use of resources. For poor countries to achieve the first seven goals, it is absolutely critical that wealthier countries deliver on their end of the bargain–more and more effective aid, more sustainable debt relief and fairer trade rules–well in advance of 2015.

What is curtailing Kenya’s efforts in achieving the MDGs?  

Clearly, Kenya is trying to achieve the MDGs before they ‘expire’. However, there are factors that slow down her efforts. They include corruption, poor coordination of planning and implementation of the strategies, lack of commitment by top management and staff compounded by inadequate resources both in terms of financial and human capacity. Other factors include Political interference and instability as evidenced in the post election violence of 2007/08 contributed to stalling and stagnation of the progress of MDGs attainment and lack of resources both in terms of financial and human capacity as well as lack of monitoring and evaluating culture. Inadequate infrastructure in the newly created districts is another major hindrance. Drought, a climate problem, is also making it hard for Kenya to achieve any of the 8 goals. This is because with every drought or calamity, Kenya is pushed to the start button with the hope to salvage what was earlier gained. Marcus Prior, spokesman for the United Nations World Food Programme’s in Kenya, says:

“What we are seeing in Northern Kenya, and in other parts of the Horn of Africa, is that drought years are coming more and more frequently, often successively, making life increasingly difficult in a region where there is little development.”

How do we overcome the Challenges then?

When I saw this part of the essay question I asked myself: How can I, Eunice Kilonzo, in my capacity as a young Kenyan student be part of the solution? What can I do? It begins with me, the change I want to see in the world and until I have, I cannot point accusatory fingers to the government. As a youth I have taken the responsibility of one, being on the forefront in being part of organizations and alliances aimed at alleviating hunger amongst my fellow citizens through food donations and long term food security projects. I also sensitize people on their rights, on child and maternal mortality, diseases as well as education through my writings, speeches and discussions. I hope to be involved with more youths who do the same not only in Kenya but globally to be able to learn and forge a way towards 2015 and beyond. I also think on a higher level than myself, Kenya need to have credible macroeconomic policies and effective social safety nets to protect and cushion vulnerable populations. I concur with Steven Radelet, in his book: How 17 Countries Are Leading the Way demonstrates that experiences of sub-Saharan African countries have been diverse and that many countries in the region have experienced steady economic growth, improved governance, and decreased poverty since the mid-1990s. He credits this to more democratic and accountable governments, more sensible economic policies, the end of the debt crisis and major changes in relationships with the international community, new technologies that are creating new opportunities for business and political accountability, and finally a new generation of policymakers, activists, and business leaders.

As I stated in the beginning, Kenya will achieve the MDGs but not necessarily by 2015. For instance, since 2000, many gains have been made: the number of people living in extreme poverty in the developing world such as Kenya has shrunk from half of the population to a quarter; Enrolment in primary education has increased to 107% and the deaths of children under five is declining. The most important question to bear in mind is this: how have people’s real lives been affected by our efforts to achieve the Goals?

We are three-quarter of the way to achieving the Millennium Development Goals - in terms of time, not by way of meeting the target. As noted, women’s empowerment and gender equality are drivers for reducing poverty, building food security, reducing maternal mortality, safeguarding the environment, and enhancing the effectiveness of aid. In conclusion, I think we should also think of the options after 2015, that is, after the current deadline for the fulfilment of the MDGs. What is your take?

SUDAN: Escalating Chaos in disputed Abyei region

Sudan's northern army seized control of the disputed, oil-producing Abyei region, officials said on Sunday, forcing thousands to flee and bringing the country's north and south to the brink of full conflict.

Abyei---The northern Sudanese Army took control of the city Abyei on May 19, after three days of clashes with southern forces. South Sudan is due to become independent in July, but Abyei is still claimed by both sides. Khartoum said it had moved in because the south's Sudan People's Liberation Army was trying to enforce its presence in the town, in violation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA. This agreement, which ended 22 years of devastating civil war between the north and south, requires both sides to keep their troops out until a vote to determine its future. South Sudan consequently has warned the north's 'illegal occupation' of Abyei risks tipping the country back to full-scale civil war. 

The situation in Abyei region has worsened with armed looters setting fires in abandoned towns. The main town is nearly deserted. Residents and humanitarian groups fled and northern troops dug in for what could be a prolonged conflict with southern forces. Thousands of those displaced by the fighting arrived in neighboring areas to the south, where schools were converted into shelters. Some took to the streets to protest what they called an "unjustified invasion" of Abyei by northern forces.

John Ajang was among those who fled on foot with his family ahead of the fighting. The Christian cattle herder walked two dozen miles south to the nearest town, Agok. It took him more than eight hours. He traveled Saturday with his two children on his back, sometimes carrying his sick wife as well. 

"I saw on Friday over 45 tanks belonging to the northern army," Ajang said. 

"They brought all their troops nearby from the oil fields because they want more oil."

 

A United Nations Security Council delegation visiting Sudan, who earlier demanded that the north withdraw from Abyei, were expected to meet the southern government in the southern capital, Juba. More than 100 people demonstrated in Juba before the meeting, chanting against the northern takeover of Abyei and against President Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir. However, neither Foreign Minister Ali Karti, who was expected to lead discussions, nor Vice President Ali Osman Taha was present. 

“We are trying to solve the remaining issues and remove tensions in Abyei and pursue a peaceful solution for Abyei,” Bashir said.

Fighting in Abyei has pitted the former civil war enemies against each other since January when the district was due to vote on its future alongside a referendum on independence for the south which delivered a landslide for secession. The plebiscite was postponed indefinitely as the north and south disagreed on who should be eligible to vote in an area where conflicted loyalties and land disputes keep tensions high. 

Due to rising upheavals in the region, The United Nations Security Council has cancelled a visit to Abyei citing one of their reasons being that the government forces launched an offensive, capturing the main town, Abyei. Further, a U.N. compound was hit by mortar fire, and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the Security Council called for an immediate end to the violence. Spokeswoman Hua Jiang said staff at the UN compound had taken shelter in bunkers at the height of the attack; Northern Sudanese forces had taken control of the town of Abyei after a day of heavy shelling. 

Abyei sits on Sudan's ill-defined north-south border and is claimed by both halves of the country. In many ways it is a microcosm of all the conflicts that have split Sudan for decades an explosive mix of ethnic tension, ambiguous boundaries, oil and age-old suspicion and resentment. Abyei also contains rich pastureland, water and, after a recent re-drawing of its boundary, one significant oilfield, Defra, part of a block run by the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company (GNPOC), a consortium led by China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC). Northerners and southerners fought hard over it during decades of civil war and have continued to clash there even after the 2005 peace deal that ended the war and set up the referendum.

The United States says Sudan’s seizure of much of the disputed Abyei region jeopardizes the country’s north-south peace accord of 2005 and complicates efforts at normalizing U.S.-Sudan relations. The U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan is making a crisis visit to the country this week. The State Department is condemning the May 19 attack on Sudanese troops by southern forces that apparently triggered the latest crisis.

Under the 2005 peace deal, Abyei had a special administrative status, governed by an administration made up of officials from the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and President Omar Hassan al-Bashir's northern National Congress Party (NCP). Despite going to the polls where South Sudan voted to become independent in the January 2011 referendum, tensions have built up in the oil-producing Abyei region where both sides have set up forces. However President Omar Hassan al-Bashir had said last month that Abyei would remain part of the north after the south secedes in July. 

Southern Sudan is mainly animist and Christian and its people are ethnically linked to sub-Saharan Africa. The north is mostly Muslim, and many residents consider themselves Arabs. The south voted in January to secede, and is scheduled to become independent July 9.

Kenya: Soaring Cost of Living

The buying power is about to be gravely eroded due to high inflation levels now projected to shoot to an all-time-high of 18 per cent by the end of the year. Ones hard earned money now has less value and cannot buy the same goods it used to a few months back. 

Shortages of food and fuel in Africa; Kenya in particular are sending the cost of living upwards, threatening political and social crises. Kenya has relatively advanced agricultural and industrial sectors and substantial foreign exchange earnings from agricultural exports and tourism. Yet it is a low-income country and ranks 128th among 169 countries in the United Nations Development Programme’s Human Development Index, which measures development in terms of life expectancy, educational attainment and standard of living.

Now, food prices are skyrocketing across East Africa- by some estimates as much as 30 percent since January. Small-scale vendors are also feeling the pinch. A vendor at the City Market, Howard Mutua, says the rising costs are cutting into his profits.

"By the time I take it from the farmers up to here I am using transportation which is really high. So I end up increasing my price and that also affect my customers. They are taking less."

Mutua, like most Kenyans, holds the high taxes imposed by the government on fuel imports are directly to blame for rise in basic commodities and consequently for the rising cost of living. With the government heavily taxing oil imports, the cost of petroleum in Kenya has risen from around $1 per liter to over $1.30 in just the past few months.

"The best thing I would advise the government to do. They should tackle the fuel problem," Mutua noted.  "If they could work on that fuel problem, I think everything will be well."

But high taxes are not solely to blame for the rising cost of living.  Kenyans have been hit from all sides by rising inflation, government tariffs, import mismanagement, Middle East conflict and climate change. As Economic analyst Robert Shaw explains, Kenya's underproduction of staple items has placed it dangerously at the mercy of local and global economic instability. Kenya produces an estimated 200,000 tons of corn each year, but consumes nearly twice as much.

"In the case of oil it is the volatility that has been taking place in North Africa and some of the Arab countries," noted Shaw.  "On the other side of the coin, a number of these countries, including Kenya, are particularly vulnerable to those increases because they are major importers of not just oil but also food. Kenya imports three quarters of its wheat, three quarters of its rice." The price of corn has tripled since last year, forcing the government to remove the 50 percent tax on imports. On April 19, hundreds of Kenyans marched from Uhuru Park through Nairobi’s central business district and gathered in front of Parliament to demand action on the rising cost of living. This comes at a time that consumers are forced to buy basic goods like soap, sugar and oil in tiny quantities. In light of this, government response on the rise in cost of living has been slow.  Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta announced a 20 percent tax cut on fuel two weeks ago. The subsidy has come into effect in time for a fuel shortage across the country.  In Nairobi, roads have been gridlocked from morning till night as customers queue in front of petrol stations in the hopes of finding fuel. , Martha Karua, Member of Parliament for Gichugu said corruption and inefficiency by regulators were key parts of the crisis in Kenya. She called on government “to clean up the National Oil Corporation, the Kenya Power and Lighting Company and the Energy Regulatory Commission to protect the common man from these surging prices”.

Inflation threatens to strengthen the rise in prices. April saw a 12.05 percent inflation rate, the highest in nearly 18 months. Kenya is not the only country in east Africa feeling the effects of global and local instability. Rising prices in Uganda have triggered protests and demonstrations over rising costs. Uganda President Yoweri Museveni has insisted there was nothing his government could do about skyrocketing prices, while vowing to suppress public protest against rising inflation.

"The prices can only go down through increased production," he said. Over the past month, the protests have been crushed with the full force of Uganda's military and police. The scenes of opposition leaders being arrested and beaten have triggered international condemnation and pushed the country to the brink of a political crisis.

Kenya is hoping to avoid the same fate, but may not be able to stem the rising tide of discontent. On Labor Day, the leader of Kenya's Central Organization of Trade Unions, Francis Atwoli, threatened strikes and protests if demands for a 60 percent increase in the minimum wage were not met. As prices continue to rise, Kenyans are watching and waiting to see if the government can head off what some are calling a looming crisis. Budalang’i Member of Parliament, Mr. Ababu Namwamba. His motion to form a select committee of Parliament to look into the rising cost of living in the country was approved by parliament Wednesday 11 May. The Parliamentary Select Committee formed to investigate the increased cost of fuel and food begins its hearings next week and has invited the public to give its views.

Cost of living is the cost of maintaining a certain standard of living. Changes in the cost of living over time are often operationalized in a cost of living index. Kenya a population of 39,802,015 according to the 2009 Census results has about 15,449,430 poor people who live in rural areas. The number of the poor, nearly half of the total population is likely to rise if the soaring cost of living in the county is unchecked.

Post Election Violence : Hallmark of African Elections

"Right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must."

Africa---This year approximately 30 African countries will host or have already hosted their general elections, around half of which will be presidential. The impact of this unprecedented number of elections on the continent's economic, political and social fabric is hard to overstate. While oppressive dictatorships are on the decline, electoral processes remain weak and many of this year's elections will undoubtedly be plagued by allegations of voter fraud, corruption, and intimidation. In the History of the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides wrote: "Right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must."

Post election violence is the aggression that erupts due to disputed election results. The violence may be planned or spontaneous. This violence, that has adverse effects on both the country as well as its citizens, sadly to say has become a common inclination in most if not all of the African states. This violence is witnessed at times even during campaigns, tallying or as results are being compiled to be announced. For instance, from December 2007-early 2008, Kenya, the once oasis of peace in the continent, experienced the worst phase of its history. This political, economic, and humanitarian crisis that erupted in Kenya after incumbent President Mwai Kibaki was declared the winner of the presidential election held on December 27, 2007. Supporters of Kibaki's opponent, Raila Odinga of the Orange Democratic Movement, alleged electoral manipulation. The violence peaked with the killing of over 30 unarmed civilians in a church near Eldoret on New Years Day. Tensions in the Rift Valley have caused violence in several previous Kenyan elections, most notably in the 1992 Kenyan Elections.

Following the Uganda’s presidential election of 18^th February, the United States and the European Union both issued disappointing statements following these elections. In response to the Yoweri Museveni’s re-election, the EU’s High Representative, Catherine Ashton, “welcomed the peaceful conduct of the elections… which mark a further consolidation of the democratic process, not just in Uganda itself but in the whole region". Museveni must have been expecting a social demonstration after the election results since he filled the streets with police troops to quell any riotous activity.  Perhaps he fears that the Ugandan people have been inspired by the Egyptian revolution and he will be the next long-standing ruler to be ejected by the people.

Recently, the densely populated nation in the continent, Nigeria is undergoing a phase of post election as well. Analysts however said they are heartened by the fact that the poll is being taken seriously, but concerned at the possible repercussions of a north-south divide emerging in the results. Consequently, riots erupted across Nigeria's largely Muslim north on Monday, with the Red Cross saying many people were killed as youths torched churches and homes in anger at President Goodluck Jonathan's election victory. Goodluck Jonathan, the incumbent and first president from the southern oil-producing Niger Delta region has been declared winner of presidential elections. He won 57 per cent of the vote, easily beating his northern rival, ex-military ruler Muhammadu Buhari in the first round. Final results declared Monday evening, which the opposition rejected, gave Jonathan 22.5 million votes, while Buhari scored 12.2 million votes for 31 per cent. Jonathan’s message to the nation was "As I have always stated, nobody's political ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian."

Post election violence and demand for elections to be nullified have also been experienced in Zimbabwe, Central African Republic and Benin. With this ongoing trend the continent is to watch out for states that are warming up to the polls. Nations such as Liberia (11^th October 2011), Madagascar (01 July 2011) and Chad (24^th April 2011).Unless this infamous hallmark is scrapped then Africa; the world's second-largest and second most-populous continent will not elevate from its third world state. Kwame Nkrumah echoed that “Africa is a paradox which illustrates and highlights neo-colonialism. Her earth is rich, yet the products that come from above and below the soil continue to enrich, not Africans predominantly, but groups and individuals who operate to Africa’s impoverishment.”

Africa: The Emergence of People Power

The revolution currently sweeping through North Africa and the Middle East is a clear testimony to people’s frustration with their leaders and wake up call to dictators to relinquish power.

The 2010–2011 Middle East and North Africa protests, also known as the Arab Spring, are a revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests which have been taking place in the Middle East and North Africa since 18 December 2010. The succession of political crisis and popular revolutions has rocked the world's second-largest and second most-populous continent all of which revolving around the democratic aspirations of African peoples. Other factors that have led to the protests include dictatorship or absolute monarchy, human rights violations, government corruption (demonstrated by Wikileaks diplomatic cables), economic decline, unemployment, extreme poverty, and a number of demographic structural factors, such as a large percentage of educated but dissatisfied youth within the population.

Interestingly, most revolutions were facilitated through social media such as Facebook and twitter. In fact, some African states have sought to ban the media networks in a bid to stop the mass spread for information and consequent action. For instance the government of Uganda last evening (14th April) moved to curtail major broadcasting houses when it banned live broadcast of news events around the walk-to-work campaign. The Uganda Communication Commission (UCC) reportedly directed radio and television stations to stop running live coverage of the events as well as internet. However, these could be said to be kicks of a dying horse as the wind of change is blowing and nothing can change its course This goes to elaborates Obama’s remarks that “suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away”.

Swaziland, a nation that has an absolute monarch: King Mswati took up to the streets on the 12th of April 2011 demanding change of guard and how their republic was being run. April 12 is traditionally a day of protest by civil society. It marks the suspension of the constitution and introduction of the rule of Swaziland by royal decree 38 years ago. Despite a banning order and intimidation by Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini, and a meeting by the Swazi regime with union leaders on Friday to call an end to protests against sub-Sahara’s last remaining absolute monarchy. Mduduzi Gina, the secretary-general of the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions, said “The advisers to King Mswati III said they would get the government to engage us on the question of cutting the salaries of civil servants. But the issue of the dissolution of the current government and its replacement by a transitional government, a move towards forming a multiparty democracy was non-negotiable”. He further added that “It will be a pity if force will be used. We have applied for permission in the sense that we have reported concerns in terms of our labour relations act. We acknowledge that Swaziland is a kingdom. Mswati may remain as a monarch, but not as an absolute monarch, absolute power corrupts absolutely. We are calling for a process of democratization and the work towards a multiparty democracy.”

In Uganda, a protest is brewing as well. This protested is against the rising fuel prices dubbed: The Walk-to-Work March led by Dr. Kizza Besigye. In the recent development, the police were replaced by the army who were sent to quell the protests. On the 15th of April, the opposition leader Dr.Kizza was shot on the arm, on day two of the Walk-to-Work March. Last week, opposition leaders launched a walk-to-work campaign in solidarity with the rest of Ugandans who are suffering because of high commodity prices. The campaign took effect on Monday, a day when Dr Besigye and other opposition figures were arrested and charged with inciting violence and disobeying lawful orders.

Uganda’s Internal Affairs Minister Kirunda Kivejinja argued that “The walk-to-work demonstration had nothing to do with the current oil and commodity prices … the demonstrations were part of a hate-government campaign. It was for this reason, therefore, that police were instructed to disallow those activities.” For failure to condemn the police for shooting Dr Besigye, brutalizing the opposition leaders and people working to walk, Aswa MP Reagan Okumu warned the government of the consequences. Reagan Okumu reiterated by warning the government that “You are provoking the country into war by covering police acts. Every citizen has a right to complain when things are not good. There is a crisis and majority of Ugandans are suffering.” the manner in which Dr Besigye and others were manhandled on Monday and his subsequent shooting in the hand yesterday was too much to bear. “Shooting Dr Besigye will not solve the problems the country is facing. You can kill Dr Besigye but you will not shoot the crisis the people are facing,” said Alice Alaso. While the government told Parliament that causes of inflation were beyond their control, Ms Alaso warned: “Hungry Ugandans will be difficult to manage. The sooner the government listens and deals with the root causes of the problems, the better. People will continue walking to work until government responds to the high prices.”

This and the previous demand for change in the continent highlights several things, that the shift of authority from the dictators to either the people or the army shows that a people determination is unmatched regardless of any governmental blockage as it is evident with Dr. Besigye, Iman al Obeidi of Libya among others. It also highlights that the people are the greatest natural resource, a united people for a common goal can push for reforms. These series of revolution also shows the place of media in governance and in society. One Egyptian activist succinctly tweeted during the protests saying, "We use Facebook to schedule the protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world."

What An African Woman Thinks: I AM NOT MY TRIBE

What An African Woman Thinks: I AM NOT MY TRIBE

Standing up to be counted

In defiance of a culture where the views of women are rarely taken into consideration, Iman al-obeidi showed her resentment over the treatment at the hands of the Gaddafi regime, thereby sparking a revolution.

TRIPOLI – If at all the ongoing revolutions in the North African hemisphere are to be ancient history then one revolutionalist will not. Iman al-obeidi has become synonymous with the Libyan 2011 upsurge. The Libyan law postgraduate etched her name in the world events on the 26th of March 2011 by storming into a gathering of international press corps at the Rixos Hotel at the heart of the country, Tripoli.

Common to the African culture, a cliché now, a woman should only be seen and not be heard. She defied the odds and publicly denounced her treatment at the hands of Muammar Gaddafi’s government troops. She had been detained at a checkpoint, held against her will, beaten and gang-raped.  Her rights were violated at the hands of those meant to protect her.

True to the held archaic culture, a scuffle ensued as the government security forces muzzled her now too loud voice against the injustices she experienced.

She was dragged out and barred from speaking to the media corps present. It goes without saying that her life is on the edge as forces responsible to quell the ongoing upheaval are more than determined to maintain an already lost status quo.

It raises the question, who is Iman al-obeidi? A government official commented that she was drunk and mentally ill though he later withdrew the latter charges. Another spokesman as well as a Libyan media station called her a whore. The Washington Post described her as a ‘symbol of defiance against Gaddafi’.

Iman represents the voice that Africa has lacked, the voice against injustices of the government officials towards civilians. She says “there is nothing to be afraid of. We have lost everything. What is left to be afraid of? It is done.”

Iman al-obeidi represents the place of the woman entity in the African society and in the Arab setting.

She however breaks the shackles and gives the women folk their dignity despite the means being ‘stomach- churning’ as described by Amnesty International. Iman goes further to show that the people are the largest resource that a nation has that can either beak the nation or make it.

As an individual as well as widespread awareness of her experiences while in detention shows that a people’s will motivates them to getting the change they need.

The inhumane treatment she experienced and is still experiencing goes to highlight and symbolize the plight of women and children (Iman’s hand and feet untied by a 16 year old who was in detention as well) during an unrest such as the civil war in Libya and in the recent nations such as Egypt.

This also shows that the biggest victims of an unstable state are the women because even after the event is long gone the scar is as painful as it was as well as a constant reminder of the fateful day(s).

Currently, there are world wide petitions to have her released.

From Facebook to Twitter as well as other independent organizations that are demanding her release and justice for the atrocities rendered against her. Iman: a beacon for humanity a hero beyond mortal comprehension.

Ayn Rand said “There’s no way to rule innocent men. The only power any government has is the power to crack down on criminals. Well, when there aren’t enough criminals, one makes them. One declares so many things to be a crime that it becomes impossible to live without breaking the laws” Freedom is too loud for silence; Iman is a hallmark of this.

An African proverb says ‘you cannot hide that which has horns in a sack’. Further ask yourself whether the dream of heaven and greatness should be waiting for us in our graves – or whether it should be ours here and now and on this earth. Iman’s revolution has a ripple effect not just in Tripoli, Libya which she describes as a prison but to the entire world. Her Revolution!